Von Flavia Alice Mameli, Josefine Londorf Sarkez und Anne Van Wetteren
 |
| Fotografie: Anne Van Wetteren, Flughafen Tempelhof 2015 |
„There is something sinister about the way up to hangar
1, walking in the dark”, I think to
myself as I head to the refugee camp located in the former Tempelhof
airport-complex. There are not many people at this hour, only small groups of
men standing in the dark corners having a smoke. I don’t know where to go and I
feel uneasy. […] We are in
the building now. I use the waiting time to take a look around. From the back
of the canteen I can see the white tents through the window section. The
penetrating smell of today’s menu reminds me of the canteens at hospitals or
retirement homes. (Field diary, 02.11.2015) [1]
From Flughafen to Fluchthafen
The
former airport Tempelhof, in the southern part of Germany’s capital Berlin, was
once described by the architect Norman Foster as
the „mother of all modern airports” (Lautenschläger 2014, 8). Not only as
protected architectural landmark Tempelhof airport still plays a significant
role in the perception of the city of Berlin (Lautenschläger 2014, 9). Yet,
the ideas and images related to this site vary greatly. It is not only
associated with a history of war and division, but is also perceived as an en
vogue location for contemporary fashion, kite flyers and urban gardening. Moreover,
today Tempelhof airport-complex is witnessing the effects of the biggest
migration movement in European history since World War II. In 2015, more than
one million refugees have come to Germany and more than 80,000 came to Berlin.
On the 12th of November 2015 the city administration announced an emergency
plan turning the former airport into a refugee shelter. Up to 7.000 people
should be accommodated in the defunct hangars and in limited-period constructions, which should be positioned outside
on the field. The hangars are used as transit camp, an emergency shelter for
people waiting to get asylum papers and then moving on to a permanent
accommodation. Yet, this is an awkward matter since a citywide
referendum stopped the former government-housing plan for Tempelhof in 2014.
Given the high numbers of refugees coming to the capital, Berlin’s state
government suggested to leverage this construction ban in order to build more
temporary housing for refugees. Supporters of the citizen initiative „100%
Tempelhof”[2] see the undermining of
direct democratic participation in this. Hence, „Volksentscheid retten”[3], a new initiative was
founded to protest, which is until now supported by about 100 activist groups.
Nonetheless, mayor Michael Müller demands a mentality change and „courage for
uncomfortable solutions" in order to challenge and to master the present
and the future. „It is an emergency solution and it is unavoidable"
(Deutsche Welle, 27.08.2015).
Is
Tempelhof airport inevitably turning into a powder keg of social inequalities,
struggling with the high-density of cohabitation? Georg Classen of the Berlin
refugees` advice says, he fears less aggression than „depression" in the
hangars: „Two square meters per person, without privacy, without perspective.
(…) Tempelhof is the biggest, the worst and probably the most expensive refugee
shelter in Berlin“ (Tagesspiegel, 31.08.2015). In hangar 1, twelve men share
one tent, in hangar 4 refugees are grouped in 25 squaremeters compartments.
Makeshift partition walls are installed in order to create a bit of privacy.
There are different day rooms like a dining room, a childcare and a language
course room where daily German classes are offered. Moreover, there is the Kleiderkammer,
a clothing depot, which supplies the refugees with second hand clothes and hygiene
articles.
In the period of October to December 2015 we
worked as volunteers in the Kleiderkammer. During our fieldwork, we
faced many challenges, such as language barriers, prohibitions and taboos,
which demanded our methodological creativity. Seemingly restricted to
non-verbal communication and observations in this highly regulated field[4],
we found the methods of sensorial ethnography most vigorous as research tools.
We ground our approach on the work of the German
ethnographer Regina Bendix who underlines the relevance of the senses in
the research process and states that sensual sensations and emotions in
general, are also a form of knowledge. Hence, doing sensorial participant
observations means placing your body in the center of your research and
consequently being exposed to not only what you see and hear, but also what you
smell, taste or feel. This is what Bendix calls a „multisensory way of doing
ethnography” (Bendix 2008, 13). Following Regina Bendix, the ethnological body
is the key medium through which we encountered our field.
Doing Sensory Ethnography
Entering the Kleiderkammer at Tempelhof we quickly learned that this
was a challenging and sensitive field to study. The participant observation,
the ethnographical engagement in the field setting, represents the dual role of
the ethnographer. To develop an understanding of what it is like to be a
genuine part of the given setting, the researcher must become both, a participant
and a distant observer, who describes experiences from a detached point of
view. This is perhaps the most classical and primary source of ethnographic
data. Even though we experienced how easy it was to access the Kleiderkammer
as volunteers and though there were many people such as security staff,
volunteers, refugees and translators running in and out we had difficulties
getting in touch with the different actors. This challenged our ‘routines’ in
participant observation, implying interviews or taking photographs and demanded
new ways of approaching the field. We therefore expanded our research input as
observing participants by accrediting the sensorial dimension of our
experiences as valuable data. With the use of sensory ethnography we found an
accessible way to adapt to the situation at the Kleiderkammer as well as
giving space to a nuanced set of field notes[5].
The concept of sensual ethnography leads to a sensitization for everyday
experiences and scientific observations. For Bendix the use of the body of
ethnographers is essential to the sensorial approach. Ethnographers have to
reflect on their physical indications such as stress, nervousness or
anticipation to do qualitative empirical sensory research (Bendix 2006, 79). A
central task of sensory ethnography is to appreciate the performance of the
senses as somatic, individual and culturally trained organs. Every conscious or
unconscious confrontation with their own sensorium or the one of others,
affects the researchers and expands their perception skills.
„Indeed, one of the tasks of the emplaced active participant ethnographer
is to learn how to interpret her or his embodied sensory experiences through
other people's cultural categories and discourses, and as such to participate
not only in their emplaced practices but in their wider ways of knowing” (Pink
2009, 80).
Even more, the Australian anthropologist Sarah Pink sees sensory
ethnography as a reaction to the textual representation forms in the empiric
cultural sciences and argues that the senses should be moved to the front in
fieldwork and scientific research (Pink 2015, 38). The sensorial approach is
closely connected to the auto-ethnographic method where the researchers
personal experiences and state of being plays a crucial part in the research
(Pink 2009, 29). Pink describes the ethnographic sites of sensing as events,
which provide access to other people’s experiences and animate the readership
to reflect on their own observations and consequently calls the researcher to
reflect their own physical nature and sensuality (Ibid, 29).
Furthermore ethnographic
analysis involves making connections between on the one hand, complex
phenomenological realities, i.e. the specificities of other people's ways of
understanding these, and scholarly categories and debates on the other hand.
This inevitably involves processes of condensing and translating as well as
constructing a narrative and arguments (Ibid, 121f.).
Sensing
Tempelhof
I go through an unknown amount of sweaters. ‘Citrus,
lavender, dust and mold’, the nauseating smell of old scented washing powder,
dust and mold mixes together, fills my nose, and reminds me of going to camp as
a child and the smell of clammy basements. As I go through the piles of
clothes, I feel my way around by paying attention to the texture of the
sweaters. Polyester, cotton, acrylic. I want to find her a wool-sweater. I find
a dark colored sweater. I read the text on the small white mark sewed into the
left side of the sweater “30% polyester, 70% wool” it says. I can hear the
supervisor calling us to end the session and I bring it to her. (Field
diary, 21.11.2015)
Throughout
our fieldwork we have been concentrating on what lies beyond the spoken word.
With an increased focus on smell, touch, sound and gesticulation we have aimed
at creating a landscape of the senses as our way of redistributing our
experiences at Tempelhof, both as researchers and volunteers. Sensory
ethnography is closely linked to auto-ethnography since the ethnographer not
only observes and documents other people's sensorial categories and behaviors,
but also seeks routes through which to develop experience-based empathetic
understandings of what others might perceive (Pink 2015, 9).
She [refugee woman] points to the pictograms
taped on the table, which stands between us, separating us from each other. I
assume that she doesn’t speak English or German, and I pay attention to the
things she points to and notice her rough hands and bare feet in flip-flops.
She uses her fingers to show me what size she wants, “three fingers and then
nine and then she draws the number in the air” like she want’s to make sure I
have understood which size she needs. (Field diary, 30.11.2015)
The
relentless nature of our field itself influenced the choice of our research
methods, too. Bearing in mind the hectic and overwhelming times in the Kleiderkammer
as described above, we needed to develop creativity to investigate most
effectively. In the meantime this offered, to us, new ways of studying
[inter]actions. Regina Bendix supports the creativity that arises when
researchers do not pay attention to the spoken word and instead seek out new
ethnographic methods such as sensual or emotional impressions, as compensation
for what otherwise would be said with words (Bendix 2006, 72).
A few minutes later the first group of refugees are let
in and my thoughts are more or less put on pause. My hands are doing a lot of
the communication. I use them to point to pictures or relevant body parts.
Everything seems tight and concise. There is no time to really look at the
people I meet or to absorb the atmosphere. I am slowly adapting to the fast
pace and feeling a bit like a robot running between the refugees and the piles
of clothes. As my shift comes to end I am exhausted and my head vibrates from
the noise, odor and hectic in the room. (Field
diary, 08.11.2015)
Sarah
Pink argues for a focus on the emotional state of the researcher, and sees this
as „routes to knowledge and memories, that otherwise can be inaccessible,
-a way of understanding other people’s biographical experiences” (Pink 2009,
65). Taking part in the different practices in the Kleiderkammer, we
have discovered connections between our personal experiences and the everyday
life at Tempelhof. Our subjective impressions of the field have been a highly
important part of our research and redistribution (Behar 1997, 13). By paying
attention to what we could sense meant almost constant impressions of smell,
sound or touch. We experienced mixed feelings of drive, despair, frustration
and relief - not knowing which feeling to give most credit to. During our
research we have learned that going beyond words and visuals, challenges our
own perception and feelings. Our field notes are in some cases marked by a
somewhat confusing state of being, which is closely linked to an increased
focus on our emotional state. However, Bendix points just to these emotions in
doing sensory ethnography and highlights that they should not be reduced, but
rather used as enhancement of the sensorial impressions and reflections (Bendix
2006, 78).
 |
| Fotografie: Anne Van Wetteren |
Volunteering
and Researching [in disguise]
At the same time, a subtle atmosphere of
constant supervision is enforced on the volunteers. Being clearly instructed by
the supervisor about do’s and don’ts and being automatically observed by the
other volunteers about our morally good intentions there is not much space for
hanging around, examining the structure of the social service or even asking
critical questions! It seems like criticism would be an extra burden and much
too time consuming for the supervisors and volunteers, not speaking of
potential interviews […]
(Field diary, 08.12.2015)
The
German ethnologist Rolf Lindner argues that ethnographers at times struggle
with their role as researchers when entering new fields. The process of
establishing interpersonal relations can therefore act as an important source
of data, since the subjects' primary definitions of the researcher come into
play. On the other hand, by taking on a certain role (in our case as
volunteers) the researcher is able to enter the field as an insider. During our
fieldwork we were concentrated on balancing our aim as researchers without
losing our roles as volunteers. Observing and participating in disguise led to
a bipolar situation, where our concealment guaranteed us free access to the
field, but also hindered us to fully immerse into it as researchers.
She comes a little closer to me, shyly trying to explain
that she also needs some underwear and a set of sanitary pads. I have seen how
other volunteers discretely hand over the sanitary pads. I imitate what I have
seen, and I discreetly slide the sanitary pads into the hands of the woman. She
looks at me, and smiles. (Field notes 30.11.2015)
When
we put ourselves in the center of the field of study we „participate in other
people's worlds [...] and try to do things similar to those that they do” (Pink
2009, 68). As volunteers we were a part of the everyday routines of the Kleiderkammer
and had to get used to a range of procedures such as mapping out where the
women sweaters or men’s shoes were to be found, or how to interact with the
refugees and other volunteers. In order to learn the different codes of
practice, paying attention to the interaction between other actors became
crucial to us. This learning process demanded a lot of our time and
energy. In some cases the process of handing out clothes made us forget why we
were there in the first place, sometimes leaving us even with a feeling of
neglecting our role as researchers.
Towards the end of my shift I overhear a student amongst
the other volunteers who asks our supervisor if he could make an interview with
him for his university project. Without looking up I felt tension arising and
after a short silence Felix, the supervisor mumbles something like „ [...] only doing my job here.” (Field
notes, 08.11. 2015)
It was
not only the restriction of time and opportunities, but also the atmosphere of
resistance against investigation that kept us in disguise, since we did not
want to jeopardize our connection to the Kleiderkammer as our field of
research. Indeed, one of us researchers made the attempt to reveal her
"true" identity and was harshly repelled by a fellow volunteer. Hence
our ‚unstructured’ and ‚unplanned’ feelings of confusion, affect and neglect
became valid information in order to emphasize our sensorial experiences.
Sarah Pink argues “being sensorially engaged through participation is not
necessarily a planned or structured process of understanding” (Pink 2009, 68).
As we have perceived; doing sensory ethnography demands that we sometimes need
to adapt to unseen factors in the field e.g. being able to change the course of
method when things do not turn out as planned.
Sensing
the „Other”
I am back in the Kleiderkammer. The little square between
the glass doors and the tables are filled with people. A woman asks a young man
what he needs, using her hands to point and communicate. She doesn’t know that
he is one of the few translators that are available in the Kleiderkammer.
Fortunately he does not seem offended by the mix-up and laughs about it
instead. (Field notes 14.11.2015)
Going
to Tempelhof airport-complex nowadays means going to the temporary homes of
thousands of people fleeing from their home countries. Our interactions with
refugees at the Kleiderkammer were limited to brief encounters across a
folding table or a quick look inside the camp area when going to the restroom.
We have seen hundreds of refugees during our fieldwork, but we have barely
talked to anyone. So how do we prevent ourselves to perceive ‚the refugees’ as
homogenous group when studying them from the other side of the folding tables?
Edward Said’s work on Orientalism is a key to understanding the process
of „othering” the
refugee. Said argues that the Westerners way of shaping the Orient as the „Other” has become a way of creating
the dichotomies „us versus them” (Said 2003, 22). In the Kleiderkammer we
were each confronted with situations of othering
regarding our own pre-assumptions about the camp-conditions and people there,
often questioning the division between the different actors. Small structural
arrangements in the Kleiderkammer like the folding tables created a
physical line between the volunteers and refugees. This ‚boarder’ acted
as a separation between „us” as volunteers managing the clothing-goods and the
refugees as „those” who were not allowed to manage the selection of clothes for
themselves. This structure of „us” and „them” functions as a way of creating
collective identities and neglects the fact that we all are distinct people
from distinct cultures. Instead it becomes a recitation of the relationship
between the „strong” Europeans/volunteers and the „weak” Orientals/refugees
(Ibid, 39-40).
I am wondering how frustrating it must
be for these people to see these mountains of clothes, but still not finding
what fits, what they like or is really needed. I see the scramble at the
door, the smile and joy when I call the next ticket in. Then first contact with
the volunteer, “Hallo, was brauchen Sie, Pullover? Hose?” Some of the refugees
try to imitate the volunteer, while others pluck at their clothes or point at
the pictograms. Mostly it ends up in an English-Arabic-German language mixture
and wild gesticulation scenarios were the volunteer and the refugee try
desperately to make themselves understood. When we finally understand each
other, there is a sort of an “Aha” effect and we laugh. That’s my favorite part
of this job. Unfortunately, I often see the entering happy faces, leaving angry
frustrated and I realize how chaotic the situation at the Kleiderkammer is. (Field notes 12.12.2015)
We
quickly became aware of the fact that - despite their status as refugees - the
people who came to the Kleiderkammer had a certain style and idea of
what to wear, and sometimes did not accept what they were given. During our work as volunteers we have, even
only briefly, been confronted with the refugees as individuals and have seen how the different roles in the camp were
negotiated. By turning to Erving Goffman
who argues that we act accordingly to the settings we are in, we can state that
the intense chamber play of the Kleiderkammer confronts our „frontstage”
and „backstage” roles as individuals by force (Goffmann 2004, 88). The biased
roles of the refugees, the supervisors, security-men, volunteers and us as
researchers in disguise are being carefully acted out among each other in a
setting where each standing place determines how to act. We might ask the
question of how our understanding of these roles are shaped and how we should
deal with these biased understandings as ethnographers in order to reach a more
neutral ground in our presentation of the field we study.
Generating Valid Results
It is
almost impossible to be part of the hectic atmosphere at the Kleiderkammer
without indulging yourself into the situation. Even if you would plan to go
there only for scientific reasons, being there in the middle of your field, the
situation would demand your participation in the form of volunteering. In this
cramped chaos with the coming and going of people, between a multitudinous
topography of clothes there is simply no space – psychologically and physically
- for standing apart. In this sense the Kleiderkammer creates a binary
situation that leaves hardly room for interpretation: Either you help or you
go.
Our
way of approaching the field has demanded an increased focus on our senses and
emotional state. These elements are, in our case, seen as crucial, since the
subjectivity of the observer has an influence on the research process (Behar
quoting Devereux 1996, 6). At times we have felt uncertain about the great
amount of personal experiences being too biased, and question whether these
subjective reflections have any value in our academic work. However, there is
naturally a dimension of subjectiveness in the narration of sensorial auto-ethnographic
stories (Pink 2009, 67, Behar 1996, 5-6). Our goal as vulnerable researchers
is therefore to reflect on our experiences in order to reach an unbiased ground
(Behar 1996, 13-18) by combining as many views on the field as possible we
avoid that individual assumptions turn into judgments. Instead we look at where
our stories intersect and differentiate in order to create a more nuanced
presentation that also challenges our own potential prejudices in our multiple
roles as members of society. We argue that the intersection of our different
perspectives and experiences as four individuals, i.e. the crossing of our
sensorial torches in the Platonian cave of the Kleiderkammer, leads to a
reliable picture of the ‚real’ situation in a specific realm of a refugee camp in
Berlin.
Sensing
Welcome Culture
Our experiences are so far limited to a handful of visits only lasting a
couple of hours. Even though we have only been there in a short period of time
of some weeks, we have seen a large number of migrants living very closely
together, not having proper footwear or clothes. We have seen a lot of
families, young males, a small amount of elderly and almost no young females or
teenagers (both male and female). We have felt and folded an unknown amount of
different textiles when working our way through stacks of clothes and shoes. We have seen underwear and sanitary pads discreetly
being given to a female refugee. Men, women and children pointing to pictures
of trousers, scarves or jackets, using their hands to explain what size they
need. We have heard how it sounds when Farsi, Arabic, German, English and other
unknown languages try to communicate in an emergency clothing depot. We have
heard the voices of babies crying, children playing and screaming, mothers
shouting and organizing leaders orchestrating the 15-minutes short
clothes-hand-out sessions. Some of us have even dared to sneak around in
the camp area in order to get a sense of the refugees living conditions. We
have experienced a lice and scabies-epidemic among thousands of people, and
seen the anxiety it creates in a small group of volunteers. In the great halls of the former airport Tempelhof we
have experienced the smell of warm tea with sugar, food being cooked and
children eating sweets, the smell of urine in dirty toilets, the smell of sweat
from volunteers and migrants, the smell of handing out new and worn out clothes
donated by people all over Berlin. It is hard to subsume the
variety of impressions we made as individuals: Our time in the Kleiderkammer
has been happy, heartbreaking, frustrating or even relieving and it has
always been very intense.
Sensing Welcome Culture in
our society
The camp is attacked by lice and scabies. The sign „attention;
lice and scabies” makes me feel uneasy, but I decide to go in. As hygienic
precaution the supervisors recommend that we all wear gloves. One of the
supervisors says to me „We should give these people a piece of
‚Willkommenskultur’ and show them that we are an open society”. Eventually he
decides not to wear the gloves. I watch how two volunteers go to the hand
sanitizer every five minutes to disinfect their hands, while the nauseating
smell of fumigant slowly fills the room. (Field
notes 06.12.2015)
In a situation
of uncertainty and linguistic barriers, our hands become an important device of
communication. Indeed, the hand is the most frequently symbolized part of the human
body, the „tool of tools” (Alpenfels 1955, 6). Hands
are used as a utility, to complete tasks, and to express one’s self in a way
that words often cannot. They are expressive and symbolize
strength, power and protection. Any human culture throughout history created
rituals performed by manual gestures expressing generosity, hospitality and
stability, as form of welcoming and friendship (Alpenfels 1955, 7). At the Kleiderkammer,
we didn’t talk a lot to each other, neither to the refugees nor to other
volunteers. We were there to help, in other words, ‚to lend a hand’. As our
field notes portray above, we collected, sorted and grabbed in mountains of
clothes. Although prehension is the major function of the hands, they are at
the same time, one of our primary sense organs. Indeed, our hands became the main
medium to interact with the actors of our field. With their hands people
communicated their essential and aesthetic needs. Different hand signs, like ‚thumb
up’, the painting of numbers in the air or waving somebody to come closer, we
articulated our will to help, but also communicated the procedures of our
service at the Kleiderkammer. Without touching anybody, moments of
closeness and empathy rose in this regulated and controlled setting.
The irrational decision of
volunteers not wanting to put on gloves in danger of lice and scabies, in order
to avoid an atmosphere of othering is a key scene depicting how Welcome Culture
is perceived in our western society. The glove is intuitively sensed as a ‚boarder’,
separating volunteers and refugees, leading to emotional and rather
unreasonable conclusions about how to perform ‚togetherness’. Volunteering
barehanded is elevated as a moral obligation of expressing empathy and the
willingness to help.
Literature
- Alpenfels, Ethel (1955): The Anthropology and Social Significance of the Human Hand. In: Digital Resource Foundation, 2/2, 4-22.
- Arantes, Maria, Lydia/Rieger, Elisa (Hrsg) (2014): Ethnographien der Sinne. Wahrnehmung und Methode in empirisch-kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschung. Bielfeld.
- Bendix, Regina (2006): Was über das Auge hinausgeht: Zur Rolle der Sinne in der ethnographischen Feldforschung. In: Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde 102 (2006), 71-84.
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- Jost, Regina (2011): Tempelhofer Freiheit- Flughafen Tempelhof. Berlin.
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- Lautenschläger, Rolf (2014): Tempelhofer Feld. Berlin.
- Lindner, Rolf (1981): Die Angst des Forschers vor dem Feld. Überlegungen zu teilnehmenden Beobachtung als Interaktionsprozess. In: Zeitschrift für Volkskunde, 77, 51-66.
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Internet Sources
(page accessed on december
16, 2015)
- https://www.wetransfer.com/downloads/12e905c0a227e857d77c3d2ace1ef727201601
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· (page accessed on
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Contributors
Josefine Løndorf Sarkez
Daring to trust the senses of
oneself as a researcher has been an inspiring and eye-opening way of doing
ethnography, which has led through unfamiliar ethnographic paths and towards
new analytical insights.
Flavia Alice Mameli
Coming from a design background
and researching in the field of urban appropriation strategies it is the intersection
of different disciplines, which I find most fruitful and productive during the
process of knowledge production.
Anne van Wetteren
Curiosity, reading and writing
are essential aspects of ethnography. This is more or less the case for all
academic research. For me doing ethnography includes an important sensual
component, which surfaces in researching. It's all about being tickled by
first-hand experiences with the object in study and with one self.
Der Beitrag entstand im Rahmen des Master-Seminars "Ethnografische Methoden der Stadtforschung" bei Anja Schwanhäußer im Wintersemester 2015/16 am Institut für Europäische Ethnologie der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.
Der Beitrag entstand im Rahmen des Master-Seminars "Ethnografische Methoden der Stadtforschung" bei Anja Schwanhäußer im Wintersemester 2015/16 am Institut für Europäische Ethnologie der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.
SchichtleiterInnenplan:
https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1WXFlfC_gh-4nQdygI63gjWs4TPKhE8c4BSHBqibg42c/edit?usp=sharing
[5] „Eine die Sinne
miteinbeziehende Feldforschungspraxis wird die emotionale Dimension (die sich
bei manchen als Lust am Feld zeigt), nicht verringern, aber vielleicht doch
einige Beobachtungs-und Reflektionswerkzeuge enthalten die den emotionalen
Haushalt ergänzen“ (Bendix 2006, 78).
Bitte diesen Beitrag wie folgt zitieren:
Flavia Alice Mameli / Josefine Londorf Sarkez / Anne Van Wetteren (2016): Sensing Tempelhofer Freiheit. In: Gökce Yurdakul, Regina Römhild, Anja Schwanhäußer, Birgit zur Nieden, Aleksandra Lakic, Serhat Karakayali (Hg.): E-Book Project of Humboldt-University Students: Witnessing the Transition: Refugees, Asylum-Seekers and Migrants in Transnational Perspective. Preview (Weblog), https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=863130166696833325#editor/target=post;postID=3697950972162993466;onPublishedMenu=allposts;onClosedMenu=allposts;postNum=0;src=link
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